Ecology: biology of interaction. 3.16. (supplement) Biomes and human culture

D. Shabanov, M. Kravchenko. Ecology: Biology of Interaction Chapter 3. Biogeocenology and Community Ecology

4.01. Populations and their Properties

3.16. (addendum) Biomes and Human Culture

The characteristics of the natural environment determine the specific relationships of human society with it, and therefore, the specific characteristics of the society. This material could be placed in a chapter devoted to human ecology, but since it concerns the key influence of biomes on human culture and history, we will consider it in this chapter.

Humans evolved as a species with extremely plastic behavior, capable of occupying diverse ecological niches (i.e., having different relationships with the environment, performing different ecological roles). These roles require adequate social organization.

Very conditionally, the following types of traditional human lifestyles can be distinguished.

Subsistence economy: hunting, fishing, gathering. Societies with this type of economy can live in a wide variety of biomes. This rather diverse way of life for humans is the starting point for our species.

Irrigated agriculture. Characteristic of highly centralized societies in Asia and the Middle East. These societies utilize potentially fertile dry open biomes by increasing the amount of water in them through irrigation systems. The significant amount of public works and the possibility of centralized control over water supply lead to the formation of despotic states.

Slash-and-burn and forest-meadow agriculture (as well as other types of shifting cultivation). Typical for forest biomes. In slash-and-burn agriculture, a community of farmers cuts down and burns a forest plot, and then for several years (until the soil is depleted) uses the cleared plot as a field. Then they have to use a new plot, and the old field is abandoned, overgrown, and gradually regains its fertility.

Nomadic pastoralism. Typical for open biomes (steppes, savannas, etc.). A pastoral tribe, along with its livestock, wanders through open spaces, moving to those pastures that are currently the richest.

Terrace farming and transhumance pastoralism. Characteristic of foothills and mountains. Mountain communities use small plots of land suitable for cultivation. To preserve the soil and ensure irrigation, slopes are terraced (divided into separate levels). Usually, such cultivation is combined with grazing livestock. Soil fertility is maintained by natural fertilizers.

Of course, this list does not exhaust all possible ways of life for people. From the consumption-based production of food, with the development of technology and the increase in population density, people moved to semi-industrial and industrial production. Primitive agriculture was replaced by intensive agriculture, nomadic and transhumance (pastoral) animal husbandry by stall-fed animal husbandry. With urbanization, an increasing proportion of people moved to cities.

However, many modern cultures have roots in history where the listed primitive methods of farming were used.

It is important that each of these methods of farming corresponds to its own social organization, its own type of relationships between people, its own culture. The history of these cultures is closely linked to the history of natural ecosystems.

An example that will allow us to substantiate this statement could be the history of the Left-Bank Forest-Steppe of Ukraine. We will consider it at least because it is where Kharkiv and Kharkiv University, on the basis of whose ecology course this textbook is written, are located.

Two types of ecosystems can be stable in the forest-steppe. Forests require more water than steppes, but forest soil retains it more effectively than steppe soil. Where there is forest, there is enough water for the forest. Where there is steppe, there is not enough water for the forest, only steppe can exist.

With changes in humidity or temperature, the boundary between forest and steppe gradually shifts. Dry forests are replaced by steppes, and humid steppes become overgrown with forests. However, a wide strip remains where the two types of ecosystems alternate in a mosaic pattern. Riparian areas, ravines, and lowlands become forested, while areas with sandy soil and sun-exposed slopes become steppe-like.

Both forest and steppe form characteristic cultures and types of society. In the forest-steppe, they meet each other.

In the steppe, there are good soils, but droughts are frequent, and farmers will face crop instability. But the steppe is almost continuous pasture, where animal husbandry is optimal. The characteristic way of life is to wander through the wide steppe with herds. Nomads' dwellings are collapsible tents made of skins. The basis of society is the family with common ownership of livestock. The family wanders, interacts with other families, and is part of a tribe with a complex structure.

In the forest, there is nowhere to wander with herds, but crop yields are more stable. You just need to clear the field. The forest is cut down, the tree residues are burned, and for a certain period, the field rewards the farmer's efforts manifold. Then the soil fertility decreases, and a new plot needs to be cleared. This culture is characterized by settlements with permanent wooden dwellings. Fields are cleared near the settlement. Only a community, tightly knit internally but weakly connected with other communities, can maintain the field. The lower level unit of the structure may be larger than that of the steppe dwellers, but its connection with similar units is weaker.

Different lifestyles lead to many differences, including different types of interaction between people. Even nomads and farmers, connected by common origin, develop serious differences and will treat each other negatively. Differences in morality lead to sharp condemnation of the opposing side and to conflict. The morality of each society does not extend to outsiders.

The history of these cultures is closely linked to the history of natural ecosystems.

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3.16. (supplement) Biomes and human culture The features of the natural environment determine the characteristic relationships that human society has with it, and therefore the characteristic features of the society. This material could be placed in a chapter devoted to human ecology, but since it concerns the key influence of biomes on human culture and history, we will consider it in this chapter. Humans have formed as a species with extremely plastic behavior, capable of occupying diverse ecological niches (i.e., being in different relationships with the environment, performing different ecological roles). These roles require adequate social organization. Very conditionally one can distinguish the following types of traditional human way of life. Subsistence economy: hunting, fishing, gathering. Societies with this type of economy can live in the most diverse biomes. This highly varied human way of life is the original one for our species. Irrigated agriculture. Characteristic of highly centralized societies of Asia and the Near East. These societies use potentially fertile arid open biomes, increasing water availability in them through irrigation systems. A large volume of communal work and the possibility of centralized control over water inflow lead to the formation of despotic states. Slash‑and‑burn and forest‑field agriculture (as well as other types of shifting cultivation). Typical for forest biomes. In slash‑and‑burn agriculture the farming community clears and burns a forest plot, and then for several years (until soil depletion) uses the freed area as a field. Afterwards a new plot is taken, and the old field is abandoned, re‑vegetates and gradually restores fertility. Nomadic pastoralism. Typical for open biomes (steppes, savannas, etc.). A tribe of herders together with their livestock roams the open spaces, moving to those pastures that at the moment are the richest. Terraced agriculture and pen‑stock pastoralism. Characteristic of foothills and mountains. Mountain peoples use small plots of land suitable for plant cultivation. To preserve soil and provide irrigation, slopes are terraced (divided into separate levels). Usually such plant cultivation is combined with pastoral grazing. Soil fertility is maintained by natural fertilization. Of course, this list does not exhaust all possible human ways of life. From subsistence food production, as technology developed and population density increased, people moved to semi‑commodity and commodity production. Primitive agriculture was replaced by intensive agriculture, nomadic and pen‑stock (pastoral) animal husbandry — stall‑based. With urbanization an ever larger share of people relocated to cities. Nevertheless many modern cultures have roots in history where the listed primitive modes of subsistence were used. It is important that each of these modes of subsistence corresponds to its own social organization, its own type of relationships among people, its own culture. The history of these cultures is closely linked to the history of natural ecosystems. An example that will allow us to substantiate this statement can be the history of the Left‑Bank Forest‑Steppe of Ukraine. We will consider it at least because it contains Kharkiv and Kharkiv University, on the basis of the ecology course for which this textbook is written. Within the forest‑steppe territory two types of ecosystems can be stable. Forest requires more water than steppe, but forest soil retains it more efficiently than steppe soil. Where there is forest, water is sufficient for the forest. Where there is steppe – water is insufficient for forest, and only steppe can exist. When humidity or climate temperature changes, the forest‑steppe boundary shifts gradually. A dry forest is replaced by steppe, a moist steppe is overtaken by forest. Nevertheless a wide belt remains where the two ecosystem types alternate mosaically. Riparian zones, ravines, lowlands become forested, while sandy soils, well‑heated slopes become steppe. Both forest and steppe form characteristic cultures and types of society. In the forest‑steppe they meet each other. In the steppe the soils are good, but droughts are frequent, and plant growers face yield instability. Yet steppe is almost continuous pasture, optimal for animal husbandry. A characteristic way of life is to roam the wide steppe with herds. Nomads’ dwellings are portable tents made of skins. The basis of society is the family with common ownership of livestock. The family roams, interacts with other families and belongs to tribes with complex structure. In the forest there is nowhere to roam with herds, but yields are more stable. One only needs to clear a field. Forest is cut, tree residues are burned, and for a certain period the field richly rewards the farmer’s effort. Then soil fertility declines and a new plot must be cleared. For such a culture settlements with permanent wooden houses are typical. Around the village fields are cleared. Maintaining a field can only be done by a community tightly knit internally but weakly linked to other communities. The lower‑level unit of structure may even be larger than that of steppe dwellers, but its connections to analogous units are weaker. Different ways of life generate many differences, in particular different patterns of interaction among people. Even groups linked by common origin, nomads and farmers, will acquire serious differences and will relate to each other negatively. Moral differences lead to sharp condemnation of the opposite side and to conflict. The morality of each society does not extend to outsiders. By the way, the biblical story of Cain and Abel (the sons of Adam and Eve) reflects this conflict. Cain, the older brother, was a farmer, and he killed Abel — a herdsman. The reason is also given: the sacrifice Cain offered was rejected by God, whereas Abel’s sacrifice was not. Note that sacrifices were burned on an altar. The smell of roasting meat is much more pleasant than the smell of burnt bread… Steppe peoples are mobile. Their form of warfare is a raid. They gather in a group, appear quickly, loot and withdraw. Sedentary residents cannot assemble in time, and each community defends itself alone. Why is the pig the favorite animal of Ukrainians? Steppe peoples practiced Islam, did not eat pork and did not take pigs. Naturally, steppe peoples beat forest dwellers and kept them within forest masses. The forest‑steppe was a no‑man’s land, vulnerable to nomadic raids. For forest dwellers the characteristic form of warfare is a campaign. When war was declared each community provided a certain number of fighters who went to battle. Often, while the hostilities were directed at the nomads, the nomads would withdraw from the place and leave. A great feat would be the gathering of such a militia of farmers that would reach the centre of the steppe peoples’ country and crush their capital. In settlements militia groups (later called Cossacks) were formed, which guarded the borders and assembled on alarm. To protect the main part of their people from raids, outposts — fortified towns arranged in a defensive line — were created. And once the forest‑steppe was settled faster than other zones — it offered especially favourable conditions. The first highly developed agricultural cultures appeared here several thousand years ago. The Tripolye culture (6–7 kyr old) largely existed in the forest‑steppe. Before that, during the glacial period, this area was a mammoth steppe inhabited by tribes of large‑game hunters. In the 3rd century, large settlements of Goths (Germanic tribes) existed in the western part of Kharkiv region, whose slaves were Slavs. By the 12th century Slavs had largely adopted the Goth way of life, but were easily enslaved by steppe peoples — the Tatars‑Mongols. Nevertheless, sedentary culture turned out to be more successive in civilizational terms. Various peoples and nomadic tribes waged hard wars with each other, and leadership changed from time to time. Why did sedentary cultures eventually defeat the nomads they had previously lost to? Because the same area can feed more plant growers (primarily first‑order consumers) than nomads (second‑order consumers). Plant production is easier to store, the population is more stable. Epidemics spread more readily among mobile and contact‑prone steppe peoples. Slavic power grew, and they began to colonise the forest‑steppe. One important frontier ran along the Northern Donets. Volchansk, Chuhuiv, Zmiiv, Izium — strongpoints on the forest‑steppe border. After the steady push of nomads to the south, Sloboda (initially a no‑man’s land) Ukraine began to be settled by people from various regions. The authorities especially encouraged settlement of the southern lands by Cossacks (militarised farmers) — this limited the possibilities of the historical opponent. The last frontier of nomadic culture and statehood was Crimea — it is well isolated and defended. Until the end of the 17th century the Muscovite state paid “tribute” to the Crimean Khanate. The fact is that in 1473 Muscovite Tsar Ivan III swore allegiance to the Crimean Khan, becoming his vassal. This was a way to escape vassalage to the Great Horde. When Moscow failed to meet its payment obligations, in 1571 Crimean Khan Devlet Giray burned Moscow (from which, as the Crimean army approached, Tsar Ivan the Terrible fled). Payments resumed and were halted only by the Constantinople Treaty of 1700 between Muscovy and the Ottoman Empire in Constantinople after Peter I’s Azov campaigns. In the 18th century, during the Russo‑Turkish wars, Muscovy (which adopted the name Russia) managed to inflict a series of defeats on Crimea and finally seized it only in 1783, taking advantage of the instability of the last Crimean Khan, Shahin Giray. The weakness of the Russian Empire’s position in Crimea manifested in the Crimean War of 1853‑1856. The Stalinist deportation of Crimean Tatars from Crimea is a delayed echo of the struggle with the Crimean Khanate in the 18th century. Artificially altered demographic composition of Crimea, imperial Russian propaganda created certain preconditions for the occupation and annexation of Crimea by Russia in 2014. Conflicts between fundamentally different cultures continue to this day. Thus, Russia continues bloody clashes with the Caucasus mountain peoples. This is another type of culture that is hard to impose alien values upon. In the mountains there are very few habitable places, the population is split into small groups. There is nowhere to settle, each clan fiercely defends its property. Offensive warfare in the mountains is difficult, defence has a major advantage. Even a small clan on its own land can offer very strong resistance. Conditions are very harsh, survival is possible only with strong support. The unit is the clan, highly isolated from any other. Ties to the clan are very strong. Mortality is very high, there is intense individual selection of men. Those who reach old age are highly respected, embodying the clan. The character of war: protracted conflicts defending their territories and heroic raids into enemy territory. Conflicts acquire a personal colour and, in case of death of one side, can continue with the clan — a blood feud arises. The lowland Chechnya was pacified relatively quickly, while its mountainous part retained a long‑lasting centre of resistance. “Band formations” that sustain resistance rely on societal traditions and therefore constantly have the support of a significant part of the population. Acting criminally from the viewpoint of one value system, they are in line with traditions from another value system. It is difficult to expect that the same social‑structural measures and management methods will be adequate for both Tambov region and mountainous Chechnya. One reason for the specific character of power in Chechnya even in Soviet times was the penetration of clan (in Chechnya — teip) structures into power. Thus, for open‑space nomads the basic unit is the tribe, for forest plant growers — the community, for mountain peoples — the clan. Can we say that one culture is “good” and another “bad”? No. The character of a culture is determined by factors that precede moral choice. One can speak of morality when there is a choice, where one can act differently (hit or not hit, steal or not steal). If there is no choice or it is predetermined by history, the criteria “good”‑“bad” do not work. One can only say that certain elements of a given culture better (or worse) correspond to a certain tendency; that one culture or another is more effective at developing a particular aspect of social life. Additional materials: Column: Culturally adapting opportunists, or On the diversity of ecological niches Homo sapiens Linnaeus, 1758 Column: Six traditional ecological niches and six social worlds of traditional human cultures Column: The regular fate of the Forest‑Steppe, or Hidden springs of history

3.15. (addendum) Ecosystem Efficiency and Energy Subsidies